President Goodluck Jonathan
• N’Assembly to decide on available options next week
A constitutional lacuna has arisen over the president’s decision to
return the constitution amendment proposals to the National Assembly, as
the constitution made no provision on the steps available to the
legislature should the president refuse to assent to the amendment.
A source in the National Assembly informed THISDAY on Wednesday that
the veto had created a quagmire, given the fact that the constitution
does not make any provision for the next steps to take if the president
refuses to assent to the constitutional amendment because the framers of
the constitution did not envisage this.
“Now the president has created a dilemma because there is no provision
in the constitution on how to override the president’s veto on a
constitutional amendment,” the source said.
He however added that the lawmakers might be left with no option than
to override the president’s veto, saying it would be unwise for them to
allow the president to throw the amendment back at them without an
effort to salvage the proposals.
He further said the Senate Committee on the Review of the Constitution,
which had met on the matter yesterday, would address the press on it
very soon, adding that the public would know National Assembly's
decision on the development next week.
A demand by Senator Sadiq Yar'Adua (Katsina Central) for a debate on
the president’s letter after it was read on the floor yesterday was
overruled by Senate President David Mark, saying it would be untimely
for the Senate to debate the letter when copies had not been circulated
to senators.
Mark also said it would be wise to wait for the outcome of the review
committee meeting which he said had been scheduled to hold yesterday.
However, THISDAY learnt that the president had previously signed the bill but subsequently changed his mind.
However, THISDAY learnt that the president had previously signed the bill but subsequently changed his mind.
The source, who preferred not to be named, said that members were privy
to information that the president had already signed the amendment of
the constitution before he was prevailed upon by the Attorney General of
the Federation (AGF) and Justice Minister, Mr. Mohammed Adoke, to
withdraw his assent.
The AGF was said to have enumerated the consequences of assenting to the proposals by the president.
According to the source, those who prevailed on the president to
withdraw his assent might not have necessarily done so in the interest
of the president or the nation but rather in the interest of those who
stand to benefit from the veto.
“The president had signed it before the AGF prevailed on him to reject
it. Yes, we were aware that he had signed it. It was self-preservation.
Those who prevailed on him, pretended to be working for him, but were in
actual fact working for somebody else,” he said.
The president on Tuesday returned the amendment proposals sent to him
by the National Assembly last January, saying they did not adhere to
strict constitutional requirements for amendment as provided in Section
9(3) of the 1999 Constitution.
In a seven-page letter addressed to Mark and the Speaker of the House
of Representative, Hon Aminu Tambuwal, he cited deliberate attempts by
federal lawmakers to whittle down presidential powers.
The president also highlighted the flaws he discovered in the
amendments to include non-compliance with Section 9(3) of the 1999
Constitution on amendments; mere use of voice votes to alter the
constitution without being supported by the votes of not less than
four-fifths majority members of the National Assembly as well as
two-thirds of all the 36 state Houses of Assembly; imposition of the
right to free basic education and primary and maternal care services on
private institutions; as well as perceived violation of the doctrine of
separation of powers.
Other flaws, according to the president, were the decision to whittle
down executive powers as contained in Section 5(1) of the 1999
Constitution; 30 days limitation provided for president’s assent;
reduction of the time frame of expenditure in default of appropriation
from six months to three months; and the creation of the Office of the
Accountant-General of the Federal Government with different functions
from those of the Accountant-General of the Federation.
Others were the decision to transfer the president's powers to appoint
the Accountant-General of the Federation as well as the Attorney-General
of the Federation to the National Economic Council and National
Judicial Council, respectively; and the decision to whittle down the
discretionary powers of the Attorney-General of the Federation as its
separation from Minister of Justice.
Jonathan described the amendment on the separation of the Office of Attorney-General of the Federation from the Minister of Justice as ambiguous.
Jonathan described the amendment on the separation of the Office of Attorney-General of the Federation from the Minister of Justice as ambiguous.
He said: “These alterations encapsulate a wide-ranging provision that
seek to separate the Office of Attorney-General of the Federation from
the Minister of Justice and the Attorney-General from the Commissioner
for Justice in the respective states of the federation. They also
provide for the independence of the Office of Attorney-General by
guaranteeing tenure and funding.
“However, as desirable as the separation is, there are some provisions
that validate the doctrine of separation of powers and also negate the
age-long independence and absolute discretion that the office has
enjoyed for centuries since its creation in the middles ages.
“The potential challenging provisions are discussed below: The first
noticeable setback is that the Fourth Alteration Act 2015 is silent on
who is the Chief Law Officer of the Federation/State. This is a serious
lacuna, which may create implementation challenges.
“It will be recalled that the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF)
and Minister of Justice and the Attorney-General and Commissioners for
Justice in the respective states of the federation are under Sections
150 and 195 of the 1999 Constitution, the Chief Law Officers
respectively.
“Apparently, it is the fact that the AGF is the Chief Law Officer and
has the power to guide the MDAs on legal issues by way of legal advice
and represent the government on other legal matters including civil
litigations, contract, treaty obligations, legal drafting, etc., is
derived.
“With this amendment, which limits the power of the AGF to criminal
prosecution and is silent on who is the Chief Law Officer, it appears to
erode the constitutional and legal basis for the current structure and
functions of the Ministry of Justice and the Law Officers employed
therein, in the absence of a statute that provides for the exercise of
these powers and functions.
“Consequently, if it is the intendment of the National Assembly to make
the Minister of Justice the Chief Law Officer, it should be expressly
stated. This will enable these functions to continue to be traditionally
performed by the Ministry under the supervision of the Minister of
Justice while the Office of the AGF, which is to be independent and
separated from the Ministry, concentrate on prosecutions.”
In clear terms, the president remarked: “In view of the foregoing and
absence of credible evidence that the Constitution of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria (Fourth Alteration) Act 2015 satisfied the strict
requirements of Section 9(3) of the 1999 Constitution, it will be
unconstitutional for me to assent to it.
“I therefore withhold my assent and accordingly remit Constitution of
the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Fourth Alteration) Act 2015 to the
Senate/House of Representatives of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.”
Culled from Thisday
No comments:
Post a Comment